1991 Tasmanian Droughts

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/N%C3%BA%C3%B1ez_de_Balboa_(Madrid_Metro)

The 1991-1995 Tasmanian droughts, (also known as the Great Tasmanian drought, or the Australian Droughts), were a series of ecologically and economically devastating meteorological droughts that affected the island of Tasmania, and later on southern Australia as well, from the years 1991 to 1995. The droughts were unprecedented and easily the worst in the island's history; they were specifically so severe that they gathered the attention of the world's media conglomerates due to the peculiarities regarding the drought's origin. These peculiarities were blatantly observable, and it was evident that many of the stimuli causing the droughts were magnetic in nature. These anomalies naturally drew the attention of various world organizations, and through collective investigative works, the Wumpa Archipelago was eventually rediscovered. Following the rediscovery of the islands, a conflict was fought against the Cortex Corporation and when they were defeated, the interferences that had caused Tasmania's droughts ceased and the Australian province began a slow process of recovery.

During the extent of the drought, many resident Australians suffered significant financial and practical struggles. Conditions had dried up water supplies, devastated harvests, and ignited rampant wildfires from coast to coast. These events forced many agriculturalists to go into serious amounts of debt, and the economic ramifications were fatal enough that Australia was forced to financially bail out the province in 1993. By this time several farms had already suffered irreparable damages, and many residents had chosen to migrate out of the province and into mainland Australia for the purpose of achieving stability free from the hardships of the drought. Premier Ray Groom grimly described the droughts as "a nuclear bomb set off against our agricultural sectors, and a crippling raid on our province's economy."

The mass exodus of those fleeing from the island to seek better opportunities peaked in 1994, around the same time that the droughts reached harrowing levels. Most migrants chose to move to Australian urban centers such as Sydney and Brisbane, and land owning farmers were predisposed to remain in Tasmania in order to protect their property. Over the period of the droughts, Tasmania is estimated to have lost over a quarter of its population due to relocation and the recovery has been slow since the drought's official cessation in 1995. Fallen demographics were reported to have fled the island as stowaways upon cargo vessels and shipping trucks, as their communities refused to access state safety nets.

The same economic hardships that encouraged many leave, allowed civil strife to develop among those who chose to stay. Tensions flared amongst citizens within the internal level, and small clique factions formed within various communities. However, most antagonism was presented towards the government, that many working class citizens were beginning to perceive as greedy despots practicing outright theft of their rights. One facet that enflamed these disputes was the Australian government's decision to mandate the formation of Unit 50 in 1993. Unit 50 was a hybridized branch of the Australian military, a combined force of professional military personnel and local militia volunteers. The unit's official purpose was to assist the Medranda Food Corporation, (which was formed at a similar time to regulate food rationing), in the movement of goods and enforcement of a rations tax. In practice, the actions of Unit 50 extended beyond this purpose. Many members, especially volunteers, were accused of appropriating vivid abuses of power. Restrictions were placed on Tasmanian citizens, and increasingly limited their ability to purchase and hoard goods. These additional restrictions were usually implemented alongside the duo-annual renewal of the Tasmania Stream Relief Fund. Actions of Unit 50 were commonly observed as a fundamental violations of basic citizen rights, and the decision to form the unit was controversial.

Since one region of Tasmania was effectively always on fire at any one given time, endemic plants became extinct during the drought. Multiple woodland parks were completely charred by 1995, and Tasmania is estimated to had lost 92% of its trees during the crisis. Consequently, populations of Australia fauna present on Tasmania such as koalas and Tasmanian tigers, experienced small culls to their numbers as they perished in the widespread fires. Volunteers organized to drown out the fires as much as they could, and several nations donated reservoirs of water and even firefighters to combat the flames in order to prevent total desolation Some of these efforts were viewed as a waste of money, and critics suggested that Tasmania would do best to abandon the island completely and instead invest funding into preventing the drought from affecting the mainland. Smoke constantly formed clouds above Tasmania and Australia during the waning years of the drought, and with it brought a multitude of health issues for local residents.

Climate change was predictably the initial and immediate scapegoat, and remained as so throughout the entire span of the drought until the Sydney expositions regarding the Mutant Vortex Crisis. The Cortex Corporation's exploitations of the Wumpa Archipelago's endemic power gems had caused a magnetic imbalance in the Southern Ocean, which was disrupting the natural flow of currents and clouds across it. This effectively created a vacuum, but the vacuum was explained as a result of an apparent rift in the ozone layer. Under normal circumstances, warm air and moisture bearing clouds would travel across currents towards Tasmania, but they were being pulled around Cortex Island like water around a drain. Because of the magnetic interference endemic to the archipelago and which had cloaked it for millennia, the islands were simply not visible to satellite imagery.

Unbeknownst to Neo Cortex, it was the magnetic anomalies he had caused that exposed the presence of his operations, and ultimately determined the death of his malicious ambitions in the aftermath of the Mutant Vortex Crisis.

Cause and Circumstance
The droughts were predictably first attributed to climate change, although multiple organizations acknowledged that the crisis admittedly had unique and unidentifiable origins. Magnetic conditions were the preceding anomaly of the droughts, but their characteristics were difficult to detect and never sounded upon in research. The earliest official consensus presented before the public, was that a tear in the ozone layer had developed above the Southern Ocean because of rises in global temperatures. This hypothesis was first presented in video format as a theory by the Australian Meteorology Institute in 1993. Despite only being a theory, it was never challenged and later became the most cited reference in later articles, even as the droughts progressed. "'While not immediately provable, it is the most common consensus at this present moment that these conditions are perceivably the result of climate change. These environmental influences have been observable for some time, and there are no other explainable factors. Through the process of elimination, the institute is in complete unamity with this hypothesis. The institute is determined to collaborate further with other organizations to investigate this drought further, and to recognize if any further risks may be posed to other regions.' - Susan Teph, 1993"Under the ozone theory, it was suggested that wind currents were disrupted, hydrating loops were locked, and Tasmania was potentially susceptible to unprotected vulnerability from solar radiation. These were all natural processes of a vacuum, but the symptoms of a vacuum were used as an identifying factor rather than anything else. There was no concrete evidence towards the theory, and the nature of the vacuum was ambiguous at best. It was difficult to study and detect, never even being precisely pinned. Despite these areas of doubt, the ozone rift was agreed to exist and remained the unchallenged cause of the droughts. Other theories were buried and viewed upon as forms of alleged "climate change denial". Those wishing to study the alternative possible origins of the drought often lacked the proper equipment to hone in on the areas of their particular theory. Even researchers with suspicions of magnetic interference often lacked the equipment to properly track anomalies, as they were subtle even when exploited upon.

The widespread panic caused by the droughts was not domestic, and the unexplainable nature of the droughts brought with them the potential risk of them spreading. If they were not understood, then there were also no contentions to the possibility of them becoming apparent in other areas. This was arguably the driving force behind government galvanization, as fear is a powerful driving force. In 1994, the Southern Ocean Observatory Base in Hobart, was built to examine drought conditions, with participants from multiple organizations. By 1996, over a hundred nations were studying the droughts. The observatory base had developed a magnetic frequency detector, in order to trace magnetic data, as per suggestions from Richard Birmingham of the Royal Society. When Birmingham accused the base of deliberately misaligning data and ignoring his suggestions of frequency echolation, he was ostracized from his community. Birmingham later resigned from his position and would go on to continue his research in private. The base was never found guilty of deliberately concealing magnetic activity data.

There was never any data regarding the rift or vacuum released to the public during the times of the droughts, nor after. Several commentators around the globe championed the crisis to advocate their own personal agendas, despite the lack of evidence being provided. In fact, the droughts were used as a model in various propaganda campaigns rather unilaterally. There was undoubtedly some kind of rift in the Southern Ocean, one which had previously invisible which had now become visible due to magnetic exploitation. However, the exact location of the rift could not be determined, even precisely. Because of this and the tidal conditions caused by the ten mile effect, the archipelago remained hidden despite increased perception of its anomalies. The presence of an island or magnetic process was never even developed as a theory, despite the meticulous studies, therefor proving the futility and ultimate narrow understandings of science.

The theory was challenged to a minimal extent, as amateur meteorologists did not possess the equipment powerful enough to detect the magnetic infrequencies. Therefor, little thesis' were presented to challenge the prevailing theory, and any organization with enough resources to determine the eccentricities subsequently silenced their employees through non-disclosure agreements. The Royal Society forced its members to sign NDA's when it was discovered that significant magnetic anomalies were corrupting satellite data while analyzing geothermal activity in the Southern Ocean. The agreements were signed as the data discovered was recognized as substantial, unprecedented, and potentially dangerously exploitable.

The Wumpa Archipelago and the Cortex Corporation's activities on the isles were undoubtedly the causation behind the droughts. The islands had remained undetected for such a long period of time, and still even remained undetected throughout the period of the drought. The magnetic forces sphering themselves around the islands were powerfully reflective of light. Even with the enhanced magnetic activities, and the focused effort, it was still barely registrable. To the casual observer, clouds were seemingly gathering and desisting in and around the Southern Ocean. There was nothing else visible.

The processes in the Southern Ocean were identified as magnetic in nature as early as 1992 by preliminary investigators, but these discoveries were never credited upon. Some groups chose to deliberately withhold the information from the public. The Royal Society even asked the British government to discreetly analyze magnetic data in and around the Southern Ocean, which the government then did over the proceeding years. Though the government itself never developed any specific groups or theories of analysis. No international agreement of secrecy was ever signed, not even between organizations. Individuals with suspicions were silenced and organizations with theories remained relatively discreet about their continued studies.

After the Mutant Vortex Crisis had ended in 1996, there was a period of time that the Wumpa Archipelago remained a secretive landmass known only among the highest echelons of a large handful of world governments. No colonization efforts were made on the islands, and research was conducted at a distance. The events of the Mutant Vortex Crisis were still subtly noticeable to casual observers, with militant ships being observed travelling through the Southern Ocean at that time. Though the data of the ship's movements were withheld, and their activities were never exposed. The increased government activity in the Southern Ocean was linked to research purposes, rather than militant ones.

The existence of the Wumpa Archipelago was disclosed to the public in 2000 at a public conference in Sydney, which was attended by a small handful of attendants. Documents were released including a disclosure on the events of the Mutant Vortex Crisis, and the associated linking of the Tasmanian droughts with those events. These documents were outlaid as the Drought Comparatives, and included within were a complex compilation of data observed regarding the magnetic anomalies in the Southern Ocean. Most of the papers were composites of data delegated through federal agencies, rather than private corporations and organizations.

The explanation was described in that the corporation had exploited magnetic processes on the islands in order to fuel its technology, and the exploitation had triggered an above average prevalence of high pressure systems. Winds carrying continental, rather than oceanic air masses, became more prevalent. This led t ridges of high pressure areas aloft that prevented the development of thunderstorm activity and rainfall over Tasmania. Once Tasmania was within the grip of the drought, feedback mechanisms such as local arid air, hot conditions that promoted core ridging, and minimal evapotranspiration, resulted in meteorological loops and only worsened drought conditions.

It was a significant period of time after public disclosure that the Barros Act was signed which finally regulated the colonization of the islands. Under the Wumpian Initiative, the Barros Act allowed a much higher level of transparency than what was available before, and governments and corporations were better able to collaborate on Wumpian efforts without being restricted by necessary veils of secrecy.

To elaborate on the meteorological processes, Tasmania (and starting in 1994, southern Australia), was artificially starved of essential meteorological processes. Tasmania was completely the victim of unadulterated UV rays from the sun, identical to as if the island was overshadowed by a looming and dangerous hole in the atmosphere. Thus substantiating the prior false attributions of climate change. Temperatures rose, and the hot climate led to fatal levels of evaporation; these meteorological conditions led to severe rainfall deficiencies. It should also be taken into account that this was particularly impactful, as Australia already experienced highly variable rainfall patterns and was particularly vulnerable to short drought seasons. Streams and rivers quickly dried up across Tasmania and Australia, eliminating natural hydrological processes. The macro effect of this feedback loop created a looming dangerous potential for permanent change to Tasmania's climate.

1991
Although the drought technically began in 1991, the year barely experienced any noticeable effects apart from those gleaned only in hindsight. As far as 1991 was concerned, no one could have predicted during this year, nor have been immediately concerned that a significant and prolonged drought was imminent. The year was marked as the beginning of the droughts only in hindsight, specifically in 1994 when studies linked minor droughts in southern Tasmania as precursor events to the escalations in 1992. To elaborate on those droughts, Tasmania in this year experienced minor droughts in its southern regions that impacted some farmers in the area. Those farmers, mostly ones growing wheat and other grains of harvest, (crops typically heavily reliant on water), experienced aridness when rainfall levels were particularly low. No preparations were made by these farmers as it was the common hope among them that the next year would prove to be more bountiful, as it would often turn out to be. Most droughts were idle occasions, occurring between the teeter-tottered cycle of good and bad years. If the farmers were aware of what the coming years were going to bring, they would have surely prepared sooner.

It was believed in these later studies that the southern droughts of 1991 were caused by the Wumpa Archipelago's magnetic interferences, and this is the reason why it was designated as the first official year in hindsight. If these were the first effects caused by those interferences, then logically they would mark the beginning of the long drought season that would come to define these interferences. A study in 1994 reported that the Brisbane Satellite Imagery detected minor anomalies in the Southern Ocean during March of this year. These anomalies were archived, and disregarded by technicians at the same as computational malfunctioning on the part of the satellite. This wasn't in any way rash thinking, as the satellite was prone to these slight hands of error from time to time. The satellite itself was of an older model, being manufactured in the 1970s and for three years it had been beginning to wear down. It objectively experienced errors from time to time, and these errors were noticeable and easy to displace and archive. Although, to the detriment of observers at the time, the "error" that the satellite picked up was actually not an error at all. It was a legitimate reading of magnetic anomalies, it only much resembled ordinary errors on the surface. For this reason it was quickly put away and catalogued with the assembly of past misreading. When the archives were revisited in 1993, the archives were also investigated even though it wasn't a per part objective of the initial revisitations. An intern took note of the fact that the "anomalies" picked up by the satellite perfectly matched modern magnetic findings made that year, perfect to the slightest detail even. Therefor it has been defined that the droughts began in 1991, even if the effects experienced were minor especially in comparison to the later desolation. This also lines up with the fact that the Cortex Corporation began experiments on the Wumpa Archipelago this year, namely in regards to the Lemurian conductor.

The southern droughts were relatively minor, and though they were precursor events in practice, they gave little warning of what was coming. Effectively, Tasmania experienced its first true warning signs later in the year, more so towards December. It began with subtle signs of less than average rainfall in Tasmania in whole during that autumn, specifically towards Strahan. One local farmer who relied on local basins to irrigate his vineyards east of the Tamar river, reported that hydrological creeks near his fields saw their water levels drop to under half their usual quantity. The farmer brought this up to his local town board, and his report is distinguishable as that reservoir held extensive measurements from the local magistry dating back to the 1950s. These records were kept for the purpose of collaborating and sharing information with local administrations around the Straham dams. The levels were undeniably the lowest on record, and other farmers started coming forward with their own reports of drying ponds and creeks near their land, the news broke out into local newspapers.

It is hard to tell how much of these events were actually the result of the secretive operations on the Wumpa Archipelago. There exists no objective way to either disprove or prove that the meddlings had a significant impact on these dried beds reported by the farmers. It can only be assumed, but it is in most aspects a logical perspection. The Cortex Corporation had only begun their exploitations this year, and their exploitations were minor at this point, but so were the effects in Tasmania minor. It wouldn't be illogical to think that the experiments had some kind of subtle effect, no matter how minor, that in some way carried on into Tasmania. Further, this would make proper sense when considering that Tasmania's southern regions were impacted. Ocean currents that carry warm streams of air towards Tasmania, effectively coalesce in the south with the most minimal effect. In the case of aggravation, the southern currents would be the first to fade.

Contrastly, there are critics of this broad definition who claim that blaming these early droughts on the exploitations overestimate their power. This goes hand in hand with proponents of the perspective that the corporation's meddling have been largely overexaggerated in hindsight, and that there were other influencers beyond those of the magnetic variety. These critics claim that while the magnetic interferences did have an undeniably significant part to play, it is very possible that their severity was "activated" by external factors. These claims have not been proven, but they remain prevalent. Supporters of the theory use the fact that the Cortex corporation's had only used the Lemurian conductor to channel energy for the first three years of its operation as evidence towards this. The conductor was relatively weak compared to later technologies that were used in 1994. While 1994 saw the highest spike in conditions, as to be expected, it also brings up the fact that unexpectedly harsh conditions began as early as 1992. It is possible then, that some other condition had started the droughts, and that the Wumpian exploitations were only a convenient event that served as a catalyst for the perfect storm of untimely phenomena. It has already been ascertained that even under direct manipulation, the grievances caused by the conductor would have little effect on meteorological processes. Most meteorological processes around Tasmania went past relatively unnoticed by meteorologists, apart from the aforementioned rainfall levels that alarmed the farmers.

These findings passed on by the farmers and processed by the administrative councils, were handed on to the Australian Meteorology and Hydrology departments. Shortly before the new year, the institute published a report titled "Does Tasmania's rainfall indicate a drier 1992 for the region?" The repot wasn't particularly insightful, as it may seem in hindsight. In retrospect, it can be established that the report was simply an elusive hypothesis that merely got lucky. The authors made wild predictions that would have in most cases been far off mark, only this year that had happened to write the article in anticipation of an unprecedented drought. The report received little attention except for in late 1992, after its titular question became subsequently answered by the following year's unbelievably dry conditions.

Another event that happened in Tasmania this year that has garnered much interest in hindsight from those studying the droughts, is the thunderstorm that occured over the summer. In July, Tasmania experienced a severe lightning storm that cut off most of the island's electrical grid for several hours. Even urban centers in Tasmania spent hours lacking electricity, and some rural towns were left in darkness for over 48 hours. The power outage was one of Australia's work, and was one of Tasmania's two main talking points of the year. Of course, the talking points were to become more dramatic in the years to come; but there is something odd to notice. Both of these events were in some ways, either directly or allegedly, tied to magnetic processes.

The thunder storm in particular was objectively influenced by magnetic processes. The storm experienced high lightning levels and feet sweeping winds, power lines were toppled and trees were even uprooted in certain regions. It was very much a hurricane like event, except it was only a storm and hurricanes don't even cross Tasmania's path. Lightning levels can be under certain circumstances, indicative of high levels of conflicting positive and negative charges in the atmosphere; usually formed through mangetic process. If the storm had developed over the Southern Ocean, then it is only natural that by the time it would reach Tasmania it would be consumed with high levels of these magnetic cursors. Increasingly so, the storm traveled quickly and left residents with little time to prepare. This hastened rate of travel could have been influenced by the Wumpa Archipelago's evident ten radius effect, that carries and propels both currents and tides at exponentially strong speeds.

The 1991 storm was significant, and also Tasmania's last for a long period of time, many would have likely been glad to hear this news at the time. It can never be proven, but it is still a reigning consensus that the storm formed due to amalgamated mixtures of wind currents that would have otherwise not have interacted if not for the archipelago's activities. Richard Birmingham forwarded a theory, that when the magnetic vacuum first formed, its sudden appearance would have been volatile for any pressure systems present at the time. The idea is therefor that when the vacuum started, it unleashed a violent form in its wake as a sort of meteorological birth pang. Instead of drawing and trapping winds, it increased the pressure of those nearby and shot them outwards towards the east. If this was the case, then the dating of the magnetic rift could be cross referenced with the timing of this storm. While it does line up with the known timeline of the corporation's activities, it ultimately cannot be proven.

Like the prior meteorological conditions, no organizations at the time became suspicious of these developments. Like most of the later discovered circumstances of the droughts, they were considered plausible at the time and alternate theories were proposed despite a lack of evidence.

The second timely event impacting Tasmania this year was the disappearance of Flight 799, and it has been speculated that its vanishing was also related to the archipelago. The commercial flight carrying 75 passengers from Hobart to Brisbane, ceased communications at exactly 7:01pm on July 13th, while traveling over the Southern Ocean. Its disappearance occured only a single day after the storms, and like moths to the flame the whole event caused a gravitational field for orbiting speculations.

It has been theorized the amalgamated conditions that possibly sparked the storms, had also led to the disappearance of Flight 799. If the storms were indeed caused by the initial appearance of the magnetic vacuum, then it would become even more possible for this to be true. If a magnetic vacuum had appeared over the Southern Ocean during this time or shortly before, then conditions in the area would remain volatile for at least a few days following that event. If a plane were to coincidentally travel through the breadth of those conflictions, then its navigational and communication systems would be rendered completely useless. In times past, most planes were unknowingly directed around the archipelago due to compass interference. The magnetic vacuum would have offsetted that natural defense mechanism for at least a couple days, and the plane might have accidentally flown directly over the archipelago. Doing so would have been disastrous for the plane's systems, and failure leading to a crash would have been almost inevitable.

No wreckage was ever found, even after the rediscovery of the archipelago in 1996. In response to the flight's disappearance and increasing uncertainties in the Southern Ocean, a new triangle was mapped south of Australia. This triangle was aptly named the "southern triangle" and air traffic over the designation was prohibited on grounds of safety consul by international flight boards.

It should be noted that the Cortex Corporation did not begin fully incorporating geomagnetic technologies until 1994, when they first began creating generators underneath Cortex Castle in order to channel energy from the archipelago's endemic gems. It was actually their preliminary manipulations of the analog Lemurian conductor that was the cause of climate effects during this year.

Under normal circumstances, the conductor would never have had such an effect on the ocean's climate. It conducted itself rather peacefully in normal conditions, never looping its tidal forces to an extent strong enough to manipulate weather conditions. However, Cortex and his scientists were researching the conductor and its purpose, and had set up a robust set of arrays around it in order to measure its effectivities. When the conductor was noticed to yield highly positive reactions for various tech, the corporation began to effectively leech off its energy completely. This made the conductor unstable, and the conditions worsened each year, developing a vacuum for wind traveled elements across the waters.

Neo Cortex was never aware what the exploitation of the conductor would cause for the ocean's climate, and once it became apparent, the scientist's arrogance blinded him from caution.

1992
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerald_Mann

1992 saw the first drastic shifts in Tasmania's climate, essentially carrying forward from the first severe effects experienced in December of the previous year. Observant Tasmanians, mostly farmers, were prepared for a potentially dry season, but no level of awareness had prepared them for what was to come. By August of this year, the drought conditions were perceivably strange and malicious in nature. The average annual temperature of Tasmania from 1943-1990 was 20 degrees Celsius, in 1992 the average leaped two degrees forward on the chess board to 22.

In order to understand the abnormality of the drought, one must naturally understand the weather of Tasmania expected under normal circumstances. Tasmania is an island, and therefor experiences a relatively cool temperate climate compared to the rest of Australia with four distinct seasons. This largely in part of the maritime weather standard of islands situated near regulated ocean currents. Rainfall in Tasmania is most dense during winter months, and is normally associated with frontal systems. Elevation also has an important influence on rainfall, with the mountain areas of western Tasmania receiving higher rainfall totals. The wettest part of the State is the west coast, where there is a strong winter maximum, and the east coast is contrast commonly known as the "sunny coast".

A discerning abnormality that can be gleaned from this information, is the following is that in 1992, the western coast of Tasmania experienced rainfall levels similar to the east coast from the previous year. Meanwhile, the east coast experienced arid conditions and high levels of blistering heat during the summer. West coasters enjoyed the summer as a pleasant relaxation from typical summer rain, while east coasters faced exhaustion from the heat. Midland farmers were the first victims of these new climate trends, and central Tasmania experienced droughts that damaged crop output this harvest.

The colder conditions also make the soil less fertile in winter months, and without proper moisture the land can dry quickly. This phenomena became all to clear to midland farmers as their soil was difficult to toil on in the heat. After the conclusion of winter, arid soil would usually return to normal after the first rainfalls in early spring. The following spring in 1993 would eventually see no such rainfall, and the soul was declared no longer arable in 1994. All of these patterns would be considered unrealistic for Tasmania, and that perspective was true under normal conditions.

Environmentalists immediately cried the woes of global warming, before ever investigating the manner of things. Whatever the case, the circumstances were certainly unprecedented and deeply concerning. The state of Tasmania officially declared a provincial drought in September, and a month later certain parts of the province experienced short electrical outages when bushfires forced the closure of some power facilities. Australia's energy minister expressed sympathy with the province and acknowledged that the Australian government was prepared to help Tasmanians through this difficult time. "'Tasmania's current drought is no doubt troublesome and concerning. Though our nation has gotten through droughts before, and will again. I agree that the circumstances of the drought are intriguing in character, but this is no cause for people to run to conclusions and flutter around in hysteria. We should remain a degree of composure in events like these, and the Australian government is prepared to help Tasmanians through this difficult time.'"Prime Minister Hobart allegedly met with meteorologists to discuss the happenstance of the drought, and early contingency plans were drafted. It is believed that the Australian government held information at this which was being withheld from the public. This early awareness became unanimous with an off the cuff remark by Hobart during an interview on an Australian morning news program. In the program, Hobart when asked on his opinion of "climate changes" role in the drought, he said that "this entire drought is the product of a little red arrow". This reference is very similar to a presentation by the Australian Meteorological Institute in 1993, where they used a map depicting a large red arrow to explain the conditions contributing to Tasmania's crisis. The rouge tiled arrow represented the inexplicable change in currents normally traveling in that direction from the Southern Ocean. They were seldom fewer, and their characteristics had changed in ways not currently understandable. This void in reasoning was filled with the vacuum theory. While this coincidence is perhaps indicative of the Australian government's proactive intervention, it could also be coincidental, or perhaps the red arrow was even influenced by Hobart's line the year before. It is uncertain.

Tasmania's weather wasn't the only peculiar climate, as the political climate itself was experiencing unexpected developments. It is ironic that the lead contester of Tasmania's 1992 election was a member of the Green Party, the world's first 'green' party, and also the first time a green party had garnered any significant votes during an election. The Green Party's candidate used the drought as his campaign's primary talking point, and consistently brought up the ways his party would combat the crisis during the campaign. While these philosophies would have been passed aside for other matters in any other election, this year the spotlight was certainly upon them.

In contrast, the labor party's position on the drought was comparatively lacking. They viewed it as a fiscal and logistical challenge, that could be solved with proper funding and preparative measures. While this approach would be acceptable in ordinary situations, the labor party did not acknowledge the droughts unique nature. Perhaps the green party's tendency to overreact did them well in this scenario, and as a result, the green party's support grew among voters. When the election was held later in the year, the green party experienced its first win in Tasmania's history. The governor's response to the crisis was met with much positive reception, though he never decided to run for prime minister.

Each month of the year saw temperatures gradually increasing, and a orange level watch was issued across Tasmania alongside the drought declaration. Since the heat was not particularly burdensome as of yet, Tasmanians flocked to the beaches during the summer months. Overheating, sunburns, fatigue, and exhaustion were legitimate worries for those working outside. The first major bushfire started in July, when Haydn Valley was quickly covered in flames overnight. The absurdly dry wood allowed the flames to travel quickly, and respondents were unable to stop the progression of the flames. The most they were able to accomplish was a water wall around the town of Gurth's Peak, which was considered a success. Unfortunately for the park, over half of its wildlands were lost in the bushfires that lasted a total of two weeks.

The observers that initially described the conditions as warning signs of a particularly fatal drought were beginning to be proven correct, but nothing was said in regards to any potential surrealism. The surrealism would only go on to be explored in 1993, when it was becoming too obvious to ignore. The Australian federal government maintained a conviction throughout the year that the drought was like any other before, only more powerful. It was maintained that it would pass, likely sometime early in the next year. Because of this pacifistic attitude, no major preparations were made except fiscal reimbursements made to agriculturalists. After the election of the green governor, Tasmania began to urge the federal government to widen its response to the drought. The regional government compensated by increasing their local expenditures. The federal government would take months to match Tasmania's efforts, and in hindsight is visible as a fatal mistake on its part. Despite warnings from certain outspoken energy advisors such as Ray Gills, preparations were almost identical to those made for the Australian droughts in the 80s. The resources delegated to Tasmania were barely enough to handle the complications brought on by the crisis, and by the end of the year they were simply not sufficient. Time and time again, Gills and other outliers stressed the importance of realizing Tasmania's sudden and inexplicable jump in temperature.

As of 1992, not enough directional technologies were being directed towards the anomalies in the Southern Ocean. International involvement was still limited, resources were scarce, and most were preoccupied simply with their response to the drought. Wind currents were still being subtly attracted to the Wumpa Archipelago for the whole year, but it was never significant enough to be detected. Like in the past, the scattering of light particles made the diffusions of clouds appear natural when observed through radar based systems. It was the behavior of wind currents and not cloud migrations that supported the vacuum theory. Passing clouds would only appear to evaporate as they passed over the archipelago's Ion sphere, even when observed via magnetic frequencies. Perhaps in earlier years such direct observation would have been more fruitful, but the intensity of the magnetic interference only cloaked the islands further. Virtually no one used magnetic based systems to analyze meterological data anyways, and so the origin of the droughts continued to remain invisible. Even if all observational efforts had been allocated towards the islands, no amount of technology existed at the time to detect the still subtle effects being exhibited around the archipelago.

In regards to Tasmania's agriculture, farms and vineyards in Tasmania began to dry this year and never recovered. The dry conditions experienced in midland Tasmania during 1991 had a brief recovery stage in the spring of this year, when rainfall levels returned. This would not repeat itself into the next year, as rainfall effectively stopped in the midlands during the summer of 1992. The harvest's output was weak in comparison to other years, and many farmer's profits made the winter of 1992 a difficult one to bear. Fruit farms were able to survive the year, and farms on the east coast similarly did fine throughout the extent of the year. They undeniably like any other farmers experienced inferior harvests, but they weren't as severely impacted as farmers who harvested more rain intensive crops. In note of this, wheat and grain industries were impacted the hardest, as they relied the most heavily on rainfall. In response, farmers turned to water reserves in order to maintain high enough levels of irrigation, and these stresses started to drain local water reserves. This was particularly true for small towns and rural communities, where reserves were only gradually filled and such demands were unprecedented.

Farms such as the Benjamin Family Vineyards, had to halve most of their exports for the year and rely on loans in order to keep their business afloat. Reports of struggling families spread across multiple newspapers, and Australian banks lowered their interest rates this year in response to the higher demand for loans. The federal government had called for this action, and some called the move unconstitutional. The local Tasmanian government suggested that the federal government should have provided subsidies, instead of forcing Tasmanians to go into debt in order to survive. The manipulation of interest rates were criticized as a suggestion for debtitude, and the federal government did little to respond to these accusations. When the regional and federal government collaborated in 1993 to form the Tasmania Stream Relief Fund, the interest anchoring was replaced with universal rations and loss payments.

Water supplies were exhausted in rural towns such as East Grinsteadand and Latrobe, and some towns even began exacting limits on water usage to prevent similar depletions. The Tamar reservoir began lowering its floodgates in order to allow more water to reach inland valleys and rivers, and the move was a successful endeavor that managed to keep many communities hydrologically afloat. Unfortunately, many inland communities not close to freshwater sources went dry and struggled to keep water levels flowing. The community of Kelton lost all water this year, and did not replenish its wells until after the resolution of the droughts in 1996.

Not only were the agricultural industries hit, but also manufacturing. A local garment factory gained publicity when it chose to shut its doors and relocate its facilities. The plant had already been in talks to relocate for years due to fiscal pressures, but was being stalled by its union. When the drought impacted its local community, the plant was not able to draw on enough water resources in order to fuel its production. This was the straw that broke the camel's back, and the plant shutdown in November. This idle event would be replicated in later years, when multiple businesses closed due to drought conditions and flight of local Tasmanians. Tourist industries remained relatively unscarred during this year, and certain resorts experienced better business due to the warm conditions. Once the droughts began to change the landscape of the island, the tourist industry would then diminish.

National parks began exercising proactive measures to prevent bushfires, as was protocol. They were increasingly encouraged to do so by the incumbent green party, which began a Leaf Fund to protect Tasmania's forests and to prolong the arrival of bushfires for as long as possible. It is estimated that funding for national parks was increased by 320% in 1992 alone, and this proactive measure was considered useful. Measures included hiring park planes to drop buckets of water on the most arid regions of each environmental zone, in order to keep the timber hydrated. After Oombawomba Park saw its first bushfires this year, other parks began to ban resident travel. This was done so to prevent accidental bushfires, caused by cigarettes or other negligent behavior.

Small streams dried up, forcing animals to migrate to wetlands in order to compensate for water scarcities. The drought nearly matched the droughts in South Africa in damages, and then in 1993 they easily surpassed them. Despite this, they were never marked as the worst droughts of the 20th century. Which is surprising.

The provincial government responded to the crisis by sending containers of reserve water to the most direly affected rural areas, but the equipped reservations were not enough to properly respond to the crisis. The green government took many proactive measures to combat the droughts, but without federal funding they were simply not sufficient enough to delay its spread. Similarly, the drought continued to worsen with each passing month, conclude because of increased magnetic interference. As a result, funding would also have to increase each month to compensate for this. This predicament did not equate itself well with the fact that federally negotiated contracts were only reviewed annually, and no failsafe was yet in place. When the Tasmanian Stream Relief Fund was instituted in 1993, there was included in a clause that mandated a quarterly update of the fund in response to changing conditions.

The green party took note to visit areas and farms which were the most impacted, and certain members even took note to visit communities short on water. The party also held town halls, where they answered questions about drought response. The Tasmania government requested emergency aid from the Australian government shortly after the election, but negotiations were delayed to the next year. Tasmania also began running advertisements directed through local television stations advising residents to conserve water by bathing instead of showering and other suggested actions. These advertisement series were called "Think Drought. Not Doubt.", and ran throughout the entire year. They were replaced by more serious and pragmatic broadcasts in 1993 and 1994.

Prime Minister Keating visited Tasmania in September to discuss the warmer than average year with the newly elected governor, farmers, and provincial environment board members. Keating was apparently not as on page with the effects of the drought as others, and portrayed a very ignorant perspective on them. TKeating also began a tour by holding a speech with Hobart, where he professed solidarity with Tasmanians during this unprecedented time, while calling a stand to action towards climate change. The Australian government would later retract its statements after the true cause of the crisis was determined, and climate change was exposed as a hoax.

1993
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sapon%C3%A9_Department

A general overview of the most obvious conditions in Tasmania during the new year reveal insight into how the drought was beginning to slowly exhaust the province's stressed infrastructure. The province had been entered into a state of crisis ever since the waning months of 1992, and the government was burdened to juggle increased financial weights with rising unemployment levels. In January, Tasmanian government reported that water storage levels fell 4.1 percent over the last year, despite the restart of the Tamar Valley. The Basslink had been used to provide 80GWh a week since September of 1992, when hydro levels began to fall dramatically after the Big Heatwave of August. Two of the major storages – Great Lake and Lake Gordon – had already hit low levels of 3.7 per cent and 6.8 per cent respectively. To make matters worse, one of the power stations with a fuller lake – the Fisher facility that draws its water from Lake MacKenzie – had been closed because of bushfires which were threatening Tasmania’s wilderness areas, and consequently also threatening transmission lines.

These hydro shortages forced the Tasmanian government to borrow aid from the Australian mainland, both to compensate for energy usually sustained through the cut hydrological procedures and also to fund reserve acquisition. Economic forecasts in the Brisbane Central made a stark prediction of a long term recession if the drought was not relieved by the summer, which was met with hopeful detraction from the Green Party which claimed Tasmania was enduring the crisis due to generous and plentiful federal assistance. In a poll released by the same journal, more than three quarters of polled Australians supported increased government expenditure on mitigating the crisis in Tasmania.

However, not all interactions between state and parliament were as amenable. Tasmania's power system was becoming strained by a debilitating mixture of unpredictable weather, failed machinery, and unprecedented levels of demand. The provincial government decided to increase outputs received from the inter-mainland cable that linked the continent and island together, as a means to funnel energy sources from stable mainland sources. The federal government had taxed all such transmissions in the past, and Tasmania was bounded by a contract that he agreed to a 10% step based increase in costs according to a tiered pyramid of usage criteria. The federal government was criticized when it failed to negotiate a change to these terms in light of the new situation.

While taxes continued on the federal level, the Green Party itself remained hesitant to increase taxes, as a way to balance the ratio. There was certainly a push from certain neoclassical agencies to do so. Increased taxes were seen as a way to encourage Tasmanians to be mindful of their personal expenditure on the limited resources, while simultaneously steadying the flow of money from citizenry to the state for the purpose of infrastructure maintenance. There was no way for such an economically insignificant province to sustain itself through the drought without borrowing, and the province was seeing itself entering a monetary drought alongside its meteorological one.

Tasmanians were collectively using more electricity than ever before in order to air condition their homes and hydrate their crops. This push on the electrical grid forced multiple shutdowns throughout the year. The measures could have only been expected though, as the average temperature had risen from the year prior, and was now at a scorching average of 26 degrees.

In order to mitigate these economic damages, prime minister Paul Keating, together with premier Ray Groom, unveiled the Tasmania Stream Relief Fund (TSRF). The fund was a provincially legislated and federally funded initiative designed to provide economic support to Tasmanians during the drought. The fund also had a twinned set of proactive clauses to regulate Tasmania's increased reliance on federal borrowing. The TSRF became a lifeline for many Tasmanians, and placated struggling farmers by offsetting the economic damages stung by worsening conditions. The fund provided proactive relief to Tasmanian farmers in both rural and urban areas. Farms continued to suffer throughout 1993, and the fund was meant to prevent struggling farms of smaller stature from declaring bankruptcy or being forced to sell their land. The fund provided interest free loans not only for agriculturalists, but also for other groups and unemployed workers.

The TSRF also paved the way for free rationing and the Food Corps, which were formed later on in the year as a response to the shut down of domestic food supplies. The Medranda Food Corporation was a non-profit organization of sustenance production and relief companies which banded together to help regulate the movement of perishable goods. The corps, though private, became heavily regulated by the federal government after they were absorbed into the TSRF in its second annual review. The food corps while praised at first would receive criticism in later months after the emergence of the controversial Unit 50 and its associated members.

The TSRF also legalized the impediment of certain charter rights under the clause of just societal cause. The fund did not provide any universal loan payments, federal loans to provincial governments, provincial sharing of budgets, steady flow of resources, or reward systems. Some of these limited benefits would later be added in 1994.

The fund also opened a treasury of interest free loans for Tasmanian businesses to draw from, and opened services to pay upwards of three quarters of industrial hydro costs. These benefits were particularly beneficial for public health and social care services, as a clause in the act allowed them to draw loans without any issue to repay them, as long as they could prove that the loans were used to offset resource demands that would have otherwise been met if not for the droughts.

The fund was met with mixed reviews, while some praised the fund's economic safety nets, others dismayed at the lack of relief for small family farms and independent citizens. The fund took months to go through legislature, and many Tasmanians did not receive their promised benefits until many months into the year. Many felt that the federal government was only lukewarm towards the situation in Tasmania, and was more concerned about making preparations in other jurisdictions. Tasmania was effectively being treated as "already lost".

The Green Party held neutral tones towards the act, praising certain measures while lamenting that others simply weren't up to mark. While the act was encouraged by the Tasmanian government, almost of its regulations and statutes were put into place through federal votes. The Tasmanian government would ultimately never have much say on the fund's outputs, and were at the mercy of the federal government's opinion.

Despite the TSRF, over 6,000 Tasmanians migrated out of the province during this year, citing economic reasons as leading motivations for their momentous decision. Unemployment rates soared, but thankfully many businesses remained afloat at least throughout the year due to the TSRF. Hobart experienced a saturation of its housing market when homes in entire neighborhoods went up for sale around the same time towards the end of the year. These homes were sold at below market value, and many were bought by fallen investors not even living in Australia.

Meteorological conditions only worsened, and Tasmania also encountered a new type of menace this year when dust storms first started ravaging the island. Winds were first felt during the annual harvest at Gerrit Farms Ltd. Cotton Farms in central Tasmania were struck when a massive dust storm swept over the island, preventing trucks from arriving to collect crops from the already minimal harvest. Transport was stalled on roads and highways across the island as emergency alerts advised all citizens to retreat indoors and for moving vehicles to seek shelter. This dust storm was the first major storm of its kind to appear on Tasmania, but it was far from the last. The storm lasted for three hours with little warning apart from a sudden government response a few minutes before landfall on the largest urban centers; for the most part it took Tasmanians by surprise. Dust storms were unheard of on the once woodland and brush covered island.

The drought escalated during 1993 faster than the previous two years, and this escalation was particularly shocking over the summer when a quarter of Tasmania's ecosystems, wildlife parks, and sanctuaries, experienced significant desolation over the course of a single season. Parks reported that many animals were struggling to survive the droughts, and lamented that the TSRF's blind eye on ecological efforts was only making the situation harder to respond to. Yonder Park criticized the fund as "an economic vanguard using the environment as its shield". In other words, the fund was decreasing environment relief funds in order to increase funds for infrastructural stability. The Green Party decided to remain silent on the issue, but expressed support towards respondents in this difficult time.

The drought was predicted to now inevitably become the worst in Australia's recorded history, something which would be confirmed a year later. It was resolved by multiple organizations that as many actions as necessary would have to be made in order to prevent it from becoming any worse. Many international drought responses would form in the coming year under this conviction.

As the drought entered into 1993, more and more alternate theories were being put in place in regards to its nature. Droughts did not behave this way, as they did not escalate this quickly and neither were they so remotely pinned within one geographical region. Various groups began to take note of the drought's confusing nature, and attributed it to a number of scapegoats. Predictably, global warming remained the primary scapegoat of choice. The attention immersed into a catalyst when a coalition of independent Australian scientists published a highly circulated essay debunking all the prevailing theories behind the drought, and put forward a notion that its cause was fundamentally mysterious."'The drought is ultimately of unknown origins. To attribute to anything at this time is unreasonable, and a call to arms must be made to identify the source.'"Response to the essay was sensational, and international media coverage of the drought kept cameras focused on Tasmania for the entire year. The Australian government itself stayed true to the narrative that the drought was the result of a ozone vacuum. Before the essay was even published, the notion of undetermined cause was already being discussed in private circles and a small handful of national journals. Multiple countries and organizations had sent teams to Tasmania within the last year, and the Royal Society sent its famous team early in 1993.

In August, protestors partook in violent (though non-lethal) protests against the government, which culminated with a small group of dissenters attempting to storm a water processing plant outside of Launceton. The movement was led by former sheriff Tom Pranceton, who signaled the movement under the slogan of "our land, our water". Protestors accused the provincial authority of hoarding water which could be used to save Tasmanian fields, and were found to be correct after video footage revealed bins of water held in underground storage. The whole event was known as the Tasmanian Watergate and the federal government absorbed the Medranda Food Corps as a response to the outrage.

Contrastly, the trespassing and damaging of property was later used as justification for increased military spending in Tasmania, paving the way for the formation of Unit 50 a year later. Unit 50 would eventually unofficially merge with Medranda, and form a single beast.

The year before saw drought impact restrained to the non tangible, apart from the drying of streambeds and culling of crops. This year, the droughts longevity reached a point where forests could no longer survive the unending thirst. To make matters even worse, small bushfires were beginning in non protected areas, despite the watchful vanguard of environmental personnel. Lush woodlands had now become desolate landscapes of barebone trees, victims of the spreading fires. Ponds had dried up, and animals were beginning to hunger for food and water. Several animal rescue groups sought to rescue sick and abandoned wildlife, and many volunteers joined these groups. But the arising skeletal graveyards of dingoes were plastered all over Australian newspapers, and the mass deaths were seen as inevitable.

In Australia, denizens feared that the arid conditions were now quickly spreading into the mainland. Their suspicions were indeed true, but the drought was never allowed to further enough to damage Australia to the extent that Tasmania itself was devastated. Nevertheless, this was not known at the time and many people panicked at the prospect of a devastated nation. Various Tasmanian cities ran out of water more than once throughout the year, and some rural regions lacked water completely; forcing residents to subsist off of bottled water shipments. Temperatures on the island also continued to rise, and electricity usage peaked as more households used air conditioning technologies.

1994
The drought reached a climax in its severity during the year of 1994. The sobering reality of Tasmania's apparent doom allowed for a final and decisive galvanization of all the remaining skeptical divisions of Australia. After much delay and bickering, (mostly over petty issues or even an outright denial of the drought's significance itself), the federal government finally united to make substantive efforts for effective and permanent restoration. Three executive orders were signed this year that allowed the government to override certain constitutional freedoms in order to "properly contain any extension, secondary effects, or furthered reach of Tasmania's crisis situation". The signed executive orders were as follows:


 * 1) Drought Crisis - Order #5
 * 2) Drought Crisis - Order #33
 * 3) Drought Crisis - Order #65

If galvanization was the government's response to the situation, the societal response could only be described as pandemonium. Because of the consistent dust storms which were by this time routinely devastating crucial infrastructure, most citizens were unable to reach or access their places of work. Many businesses had closed, so even if they had the ability, many had nowhere to go. The lack of permanent digital infrastructure and internet servers for any business smaller than a corporation, telecommuting was a scant option for such displaced workers.

The economy of Tasmania was therefore in ruins, with most non essential workers out of employment and relying on funds afforded to them by the TSRF. Large portions of the population had at the time already fled the developing desolation. It is estimated that 28% of Tasmania's population permanently moved to Australia from January to December of 1994, and the majority of those migrations happened during 1994. Had 1995 not seen improved conditions, it would have likely experienced double or more of the aforementioned statistic.

The media described the year as "cataclysmic", or as the "black year", as wildfires progressed almost indefinitely throughout its entire span and cloaked many communities with smoky skies. The sensationalism of the media, however warranted as it may have been given the context of the crisis, did little to lighten the fears of the population. The Green Party continued its efforts to remain an optimistic view of the crisis, but discontinued their lighthearted ads which urged practical efforts such as community collaboration, and instead started issuing notices which did little to hide the stark reality that Tasmanians were facing.

1994 was the hottest year for the entire span of the droughts reign, and Tasmania's average temperature was now 320% higher than what it should have been. Tasmania was described to be literally "on fire" this year, and its appearance was hellish. Wildfires had decimated over five national parks, and dozens of municipal districts were forced to flee due to the dangers brought forth by the flames and smoke. Smoke levels were so high this year, that Tasmania began experiencing unprecedented levels of smog and smoky mist which cloaked the island in a blanket of ash visible from space. Countries such as Russia, the United States, and France, sent voluntary firefighters to help fight back against the wildfires. The situation was described as "apocalyptic" by those sent to the regions, and apocalyptic group saw it as signs of a Y2K reckoning.

The United Nations signed the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in Those Countries Experiencing Serious Drought and/or Desertification, which was a convention to combat desertification and mitigate the effects of drought through national action programs that incorporate long-term strategies supported by international cooperation and partnership arrangements. The signing was influenced by worsening conditions in Tasmania that year.

To make matters worse, the droughts continued to spread and seep their way into Australia. The southern counties experienced their worst droughts in recorded history, when citizens saw the inferno state of Tasmania, they were afraid the same would befall Australia within a few years. Action plans were immediately set up, with Tasmania as the illustrative warning of what could go wrong if not enough proactive measures were put into place. Even then, Tasmania exercised many good proactive measures in the early years of the drought.

It was this year that the Cortex Corporation began its manipulations of power gem geomagnetics, and consequently spikes immediately began. Researchers on Tasmania noticed the magnetic energy spikes in the Southern Ocean. Though the government was informed of these findings, it made no public reports and climate change remained the purported menace.

From April to November, Tasmania's conditions worsened more than in the entire year before. This disturbing shift was met with widespread social unrest and panic, and the TSRF was updated in order to accommodate the increasingly dire situation. The legislational changes did nothing to calm down the distressed masses, and the provincial government declared martial law. The Australian Army was deployed to Tasmania in two large batallions, one in Hobart and the other in Wales. One of the first operations was the fact that the importing of food and water was seized by the state in order to impose widespread regulations. Furthermore, the military strictly monitored water usage in metropolitan areas, policed protests, and performed rescue missions for wildlife and communities. Late in the year, the military formed a new unit solely to organize the military on the island, known as the Unit 50 Response Group. Generally, the decision to enact martial law was met with resentment and hate. Tensions broke out into major conflicts across Tasmania against the military, and the province furthered its control even more.

Australia's stock market crashed, and various apocalyptic cults failed to understand what was happening.

More scientific organizations began studying the island this year, including the malicious kike-led group known as the Polgats.

Being one of the groups that first took notice of the off-the-chart magnetic readings, the Royal Society ambassadors rented a new office in Smithton to watch for more signs. Resident ambassador Dr. Carl Stryke, described the readings as "indicative of unnatural geothermal activity, potentially those of an unexplained volcanic eruption." This hypothesis was of course, false, but no one would have been able to properly predict the situation. The Royal Society made progress ahead of other groups when its resident Richard Dykes tracked the epicenter of the magnetic readings to a 100 mile circumference circle in the Southern Ocean. Dykes, having been exiled from his group four months earlier for internal disagreements, kept the realization to himself and journalist Chloe Parker. The two were renting a small house in Smithton at the time, and collaborated with two young men who had also noticed the signs during one of their voyages. When investigating the readings from a rented boat, the group of four crash landed upon the Wumpa Archipelago.

After the group made landfall, the Cortex Corporation tried to seize them and when this failed, they changed their methods of energy extraction in order to prevent any further arrivals to the islands. As a result, while the droughts and fires were still significant, they plateaued and slightly subsisted throughout the rest of the year. This also prevented the droughts from spreading into Australia any further. Without this interference, the damages would have likely reached levels unforetold.

1995
After the Cortex Corporation deactivated their channeling devices, weather in the Southern Ocean began to return to normal midway through the year. Tasmania saw its first rainstorms in two years, and the event was met with rampant celebration. The rainfall was enough to lead to a renewed harvest this year, though hydrological processes were not rejuvenated. It is estimated that it may take up to 32 years for Tasmania's rivers and lakes to return to pre-drought conditions. Though, the droughts remained in effect and continued at rates similar to the severity seen in 1992 and 1993. The drought was marked as ending on Dec 31st due to the tailending effect, and martial law officially ended shortly after. Unfortunately, the wildfires still continued and a "defense line" was established in the Oombarian Forest reserve, as fleets of park planes carrying buckets of water worked together to subsist the flames as much as they could.

If the drought had continued, the island would have likely been irreversibly damaged by the year 2000.

1996
In March of this year, the drought was announced as over.

Effects

 * Diminished crop growth
 * Dust storms
 * Snake migrations
 * Social unrest
 * Martial Law (1994-1995)
 * Competition over natural resources
 * Wildfires
 * Exposure and oxidization of acid sulfate oils
 * Extinction of several endemic plants
 * Drought Severity: 82 (not unprecedented in any way)

Tasmania's climate altered drastically from a cool temperate climate to a desert climate within three years of the drought's onset. With the vacuum drawing of Antarctica led chill fronts, oceanic winds, and northern temperate currents, Tasmania was effectively starved of all natural meteorological processes, causing the island to become victim to an unshielded defense from the sun.

Almost all of Tasmania's farmers had to make changes to their crops in order to survive the droughts. Farmers of crops such as Alfafa, which required heavy irrigation in order to grow, switched to growing crops such as olives that required only 1/50th the amount.

The droughts were estimated to have cost Australia 114 billion USD in damages. Those with fortunate financial circumstances hoarded food, even though it was technically prohibited at the time but rarely enforced even by Unit 50. Government intervention allowed the drought to pass without any deaths from impoverishment.

The Tasmanian droughts were in hindsight cited as the worst in fictional Earth's history by the Australian Bureau of Meteorology. The droughts were said to have had a more severe impact on the local ecology, economy and environment, than any other recorded drought. This was first pointed towards as a result of global warming, but later expositions of the Mutant Vortex Crisis revealed magnetic energies to have caused the droughts significantly more than any other known factor. Nonetheless, it has been estimated that it may take nearly 2,490 years for Tasmania to fully recover from the disaster and reach a point identical to pre-drought conditions. For each year of the drought, damages sustained were equal to 500 years of needed recovery. This regeneration may be accelerated by aiding technologies.

Vascotown
As a perceived pushback against measures imposed by the Australian government, an unrecognized state formed in Vasco, a small town in northern Tasmania. The dissenters peacefully removed the authority of the incumbent mayor and formed their own democratic municipal council and refused to cooperate with federal organizations. Before conditions began to improve in 1995, residents of Vascotown were planning to take up arms against the state. Vascotown was forcibly dissolved in late 1995, and certain organizers were asked to pay reparations.

Unit 50
Though despised by Tasmanians, no violent conflict ever broke out between Unit 50 officers and Tasmanian citizens. Petitions were made against the unit, calling out against abuses of power.

Aftermath
Several new parks and memorials were placed in remembrance of the droughts. A statutory holiday was enacted on July 18th, in remembrance of the day the droughts were officially announced as ended.

Timeline
1991: First signs of the drought